The death of Colombian rebel leader Manuel "Sureshot" Marulanda, following a series of major setbacks to his Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC), could mark the beginning of the end of Latin America's longest and bloodiest civil war.

At last, the Colombian people may realize the peace and security they have craved for more than four decades. And they have done it by refusing to capitulate to the drug-trafficking guerrillas whose terrorist attacks repeatedly drove Colombia to the brink of chaos.

Marulanda — a hard-line communist, whose March 26 death was announced only last week — started the 44-year-old insurgency that has claimed more than 200,000 lives in Colombia. Because he was revered as a father figure by his criminal followers, his absence could lead to the eventual disintegration of the FARC's 9,000 rebel fighters, especially because the rebel army already has suffered great losses this year.

Colombian President Alvaro Uribe's U.S.-backed military campaign against the guerrillas has been so successful that many rebels have begun to surrender. Some do it when they find themselves surrounded by the Colombian army, and others do it because the government is offering huge rewards to those rebels who rat on their comrades.

Aside from Marulanda, who reportedly died of a heart attack, two other top FARC leaders have been killed this year, and some high-ranking commanders have defected. So far this year, more than 200 guerrillas have given up fighting.

Many Colombia observers believe Marulanda's death could trigger a new wave of desertions and that information from those deserters could help the Colombian army continue to defeat the FARC on the battlefield.

Clearly, paying for information has become a key weapon in Colombia's fight against the FARC. Government officials say rebel-army deserters have given them the intelligence that has led to very successful operations against the guerrillas, including the controversial March 1 Colombian army raid into Ecuador, where the FARC's No. 2 man, Raul Reyes, was killed.

Because it is money and greed, instead of political ideology, that have driven this band of criminals for many years, the lucrative rewards offered by the government seem to be working.

I know; compensating such savages is a bitter pill to swallow. But it's showing results.

One rebel not only turned himself in but also killed his own commander, Ivan Rios, and chopped off one of Rios' hands so he could claim a $1 million reward. Along with Marulanda and Reyes, Rios was part of the seven-member Secretariat that has led the FARC for years.

That's three of the seven FARC leaders, including the top two, no longer ordering anyone to kill and kidnap innocent people or managing their cocaine production empire.

It's major progress, the kind that shows the Colombian people that their government's hardhanded stance against the rebel army could create a light at the end of their long, dark tunnel.

"The end of the FARC is in sight," Colombian Defense Minister Juan Manuel Santos told reporters after learning of Marulanda's death. He noted that the guerrillas are "irreversibly weakened and in decline."

"We are winning," Santos added, "but we cannot claim victory yet."

Everyone in Colombia knows that to reach the end of the tunnel, there is still a long way to go. The FARC's high command is structured in such a way that one expects the group to disintegrate in the way that Peru's Shining Path terrorists unraveled when their leader, Abimael Guzman, was captured in 1992.

The FARC is like a cancer that has been embedded into every sector of Colombian society, not only through violence and fear but also through its wealth. And the sources of that wealth — drugs, kidnapping and extortion — are unabated. They still are fighting with the Colombian army and police almost on a daily basis; they still are kidnapping innocents; they still will have the money to buy anything from arms to politicians; and they remain characteristically defiant.

"We will continue our work," said rebel commander Timoleon Jimenez in a video message, "profoundly optimistic that we will move forward in spite of this adversity."

Alfonso Cano, the FARC's top ideologue, already has been named as Marulanda's replacement as commander in chief of the rebel army. Some Colombians believe this may be a good sign because Cano may be more willing to negotiate with the government to release at least some of the estimated 750 hostages held in jungle concentration camps by the FARC. In fact, President Uribe even has offered "conditional liberty" and passage abroad to FARC leaders who release high-profile hostages.

Other Colombians also believe Cano's promotion may be a good sign, but only because it could trigger a divisive power struggle between Cano and Mono Jojoy, who heads the group's military wing and is clearly the preferred leader of many guerrilla field commanders. Jojoy controls 4,000 rebels and some of Colombia's biggest coca-growing regions. He has the power, money and charisma to dethrone Cano.

Nevertheless, Colombian government officials are using Marulanda's death to appeal to the rebels to put down their weapons and engage in peace talks. And they are doing it wisely, with a carrot and stick approach.

"The door to achieve peace is open," Santos said in a news conference, during which he spoke directly to the remaining guerrilla leadership. "Three of your leaders are underground. Use this opportunity to demobilize. Otherwise, we will pursue military operations with more intensity."

By refusing to capitulate, the Colombian people finally may be driving out of the dark 44-year-long FARC tunnel.

To find out more about Miguel Perez and read features by other Creators Syndicate writers and cartoonists, visit the Creators Syndicate Web page at www.creators.com.

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