Is the extremist agenda of Mahmoud Ahmadinejad popular with the Iranian people? Are they willing to make the sacrifices an increasingly tight global boycott will impose?

A rare glimpse into the minds of the Iranian people — via a telephone survey of Iran by Terror Free Tomorrow — shows that the answer to both questions is no.

Apparently, Ahmadinejad and the Ayatollah are in serious political trouble — and Iranians do not much care about getting the bomb, but worry very much about global isolation.

The survey shows that Iranians oppose an "unelected supreme leader" by 27 percent to 61 percent and favor democracy by 79 percent to 14 percent. So when liberals assail neo-cons for having a naive faith in peoples' aspirations for freedom, they are just wrong — even in Iran.

The Iranian people want nuclear power more than nuclear weapons. Suffering under gasoline rationing and falling energy exports, three-quarters said that developing nuclear power, without weapons, was "very important." By contrast, only 37 percent said developing nuclear weapons was a similar priority.

Since the Iranian regime says that it wants nuclear power, not nuclear weapons, its position is congruent with its people's views. But, we all know the government is lying and wants to get a bomb. The survey underscores the need to separate nuclear power from weaponry in the minds of the people and make clear that Western sanctions are designed to prevent Iran from getting the bomb, not energy.

Iranians would gladly agree to "full inspections and a guarantee that Iran would not develop nuclear weapons" if other nations would increase overall trade and investment (80 percent), increase investment in the energy sector (79 percent), give humanitarian assistance (80 percent) or assist in helping Iran develop peaceful nuclear energy (80 percent).

Only 33 percent said supporting Hezbollah or Hamas was a priority, and 55 percent are ready to endorse full recognition of Israel and of a Palestinian state if they could get "normal trade and full recognition" from the United States. Sixty-four percent are willing to end Iranian assistance to armed groups in Iraq, and 51 percent would forgo nuclear weaponry and accept full international controls and inspections in return for normal relations with the United States.

These data emphasize the importance of a Western willingness to bring Iran in from the cold in return for a no-nuclear-weapons agreement. The palpable thirst of the people for an end to their isolation speaks volumes about the attractiveness of such a proposition.

The government in Iran gets dismal ratings. By 33 percent to 52 percent, Iranians feel Ahmadinejad has failed to cut unemployment or inflation, and by 22 percent to 56 percent they say he has not kept his campaign promise to "put oil revenues on the tables of the average family."

But does this all matter? Do the opinions of the Iranian people count in this dictatorship? Clearly, they do. The potential for revolution should global isolation increase is evident from the data. People are fed up with living in a pariah state and want normal relations with the rest of the world, even if it means abandoning their leaders' extremist agenda.

Thus, the recent actions of Florida, Missouri and Louisiana in cutting off all pension fund investments in companies that do business in Iran takes on particular importance. Global isolation clearly grates with the Iranian people and stokes their fears and disenchantment with their government.

Divestment legislation is making good progress in Pennsylvania (shepherded by Rep. Josh Shapiro, a Democrat) and in California and New Jersey. In New York, unfortunately, the legislature adjourned without taking any action. Divestterror.org, an organization founded by Frank Gaffney of the Reagan administration's Pentagon, is leading these battles.

The Louisiana action is particularly important. The state law — sponsored by Republican Rep. Pete Schneider — authorizes the governor to contract with Wall Street firms to develop a terror-free investment index of companies and mutual funds in which the state can put its pension funds. But once such a fund is developed, the potential for it to become the gold standard for disinvestment is enormous.

To find out more about Dick Morris and read his past columns, visit the Creators Syndicate Web page at www.creators.com.

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